Harnessing US–China Competition for Positive Outcomes in the Indo-Pacific

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US–China institutional balancing enhances Indo-Pacific outcomes via reform and engagement, providing regional stability and choices through competition.


Key Points

  • US–China Institutional Balancing: Institutional balancing between the US and China reform international frameworks, enhance cooperation with Indo-Pacific nations, and provide essential infrastructure. This strategic rivalry empowers regional states with more choices and negotiating power, maintaining stability even under transactional foreign policies.

  • Great Power Rivalry Context: The US–China rivalry exemplifies historical power shifts, involving institutional competition to shape international organizations. This dynamic amplifies their global influence while constraining each other’s power.

  • Intensifying Institutional Competition: Expect increased institutional balancing due to nuclear deterrence, reducing military confrontation feasibility. Platforms like the WTO and Quadrilateral Security Dialogue exemplify these competitive approaches.

The US–China rivalry, focused on institutional balancing, plays a crucial role in the Indo-Pacific by fostering positive outcomes through reform and regional engagement. This competition encourages the enhancement of international frameworks and cooperation with regional nations, leading to an increase in public goods, especially in infrastructure. Rather than causing destructive tensions, this rivalry provides regional states with more choices and negotiating power, maintaining stability. This competitive environment is expected to persist even under a transactional foreign policy approach.

Historically, the rise and fall of great powers have been constants in global politics, exemplified by the current US–China strategic rivalry. The competition extends beyond military realms into institutional domains where both nations aim to shape or establish international organizations to expand their influence, thereby amplifying their global standing and constraining each other’s power.

Institutional competition is likely to intensify, even under a potential Trump administration, as nuclear deterrence makes military confrontation less feasible. States increasingly leverage institutions as platforms for competition, using rules and norms to counteract rivals while minimizing escalation. Notable examples include the US support for China’s WTO membership and the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, which excludes China to reinforce a shared vision of regional stability.

Moreover, related topics highlight Chinese innovation and its potential to lead a global green transition. The US’s retreat from climate efforts places China in the spotlight, with its industrial capacity and technological know-how positioning it as a leader in the field of cleantech. Breakthrough technologies are essential to achieving net-zero goals, with China encouraged to foster international partnerships and long-term energy solutions.

Southeast Asia is also navigating strategic stress due to China’s expanding influence via the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). ASEAN nations strive to maintain autonomy and security by focusing on sustainable development and technological independence. Amidst these dynamics, Australia can serve as a knowledge partner, offering expertise in climate adaptation and infrastructure governance, fostering informal collaborations that ensure regional stability without political alignment.

Finally, cooperation between the UK and China on climate change is crucial, with UK Energy Secretary Ed Miliband advocating for strategic reengagement. Both nations have ambitious climate targets and could enhance global efforts through collaboration. The UK, with its expertise in emissions reduction, could significantly impact international environmental goals by sharing knowledge with China, highlighting the importance of aligning climate objectives for broader global benefits.

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